A textbook case of union busting

Leonard Riggio, who transformed Barnes & Noble from its single location on Fifth Avenue into the nation’s largest bookseller, died on Aug. 27, 2024. The obits lionized him for revolutionizing the industry by creating the Amazon of its day and praised him as a patron of the arts and liberal causes. 

They also suggested that Lenny, as he was known, had a soft spot for labor, The New York Times saying it “made him an outlier among his fellow plutocrats.” Nothing could be further from the truth. Confronted by a union movement in his flagship Manhattan bookstore, he did exactly what his fellow plutocrats would do. He attacked workers' right to organize.

In August, 1975 a union movement began at Barnes & Noble. I was one of the initiators of this action and a member of the organizing committee. We affiliated with District 65. Almost immediately B&N fired one of the main organizers. Thus began a fierce anti-union campaign highlighted by the firing of key union activists, harassment, intimidation and threats to workers. Lenny said he would close the store if the union won. Despite heavy repression, the union continued organizing into 1976 holding B&N storefront rallies and having regular meetings.

In September of 1975, we filed complaints with the NLRB. Finally in December of 1977, after long legal and bureaucratic procedures, the NLRB found merit to the claims that Barnes & Noble was violating the rights of its workers. But it was too late. The ruthless campaign had done its job and time did the rest. The union was defeated. Lenny Riggio’s fellow plutocrats were no doubt very proud of him.

Despite defeat and the passage of time, a number of issues from the B&N drive continue to be relevant today, as many workers struggle to create unions.

• The role of the NLRB. The process was too long and demoralized workers. It took over two years to resolve the cases. A few workers got back pay and could be rehired. In addition, B&N had to post its violations and promise not to do it again, a small price to pay for eliminating a union threat. Although an essential part of unionization, the NLRB has its limits, centered on how long it takes cases to work through the legal bureaucracy.

• Electoral vs strike strategy. We had many debates on this. Count cards and vote or count cards, measure intensity and strike. A critical question that faces many union drives. District 65 and the organizing committee leaned toward strike. But we never reached the point to act on these debates.

• The relation between the rank and file organizing committee and the union. District 65 was a fine union with a long labor and civil rights history. But they came in and took control, the rank and file committee had to work very hard to maintain any autonomy and decision-making. This was reflected in everything from chairing meetings to ideas on the bargaining unit.

4. Union struggles leave their mark, even if forgotten by history. Nearly 30 years after the union drive, I happened to be in B&N and was stopped by a now gray haired woman. She was involved in the union but continued to work at B&N for all these years. She said working to create a union was one of the best things she ever did and one of the highlights of her life. In victory or defeat, unions have always been an inspiration for workers.

Mike Scarcella is a retired NYC teacher and labor researcher, and former union activist and chapter leader with the United Federation of Teachers.